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Besides these basic questions about the definition and measurement of food addiction, other important avenues for future research may include, but are not limited to: How relevant is the concept of food addiction for the treatment of obesity or binge eating and in public policy making? If it is relevant, how can it be implemented best [ 17, 91]? What are the disadvantages (if any) of the concept of food addiction [ 115- 119]? How can animal models of addiction-like eating be improved to more specifically reflect relevant processes in humans [ 120]? Can addiction-like eating actually be reduced to the addictive effects of one or more substances or should “food addiction” be replaced by “eating addiction” [ 98]?

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In the early 2000s — approximately 40 years after OA was founded — a pilot study was published in which the treatment of bulimic and obese patients with a 12-step program was reported [ 71]. Besides this therapeutic approach, however, the focus of this decade was the examination of neural mechanisms underlying overeating and obesity that may parallel findings from substance dependence. In humans, these neural mechanisms were primarily investigated by positron emission tomography and functional magnetic resonance imaging. For example, a groundbreaking article by Wang and colleagues [ 72] reported lower striatal dopamine D 2 receptor availability in obese individuals as compared to controls, which the authors interpreted as a correlate of a “reward deficiency syndrome” similar to what has been found in individuals with substance dependence [ 73, 74]. Other studies, for example, found that similar brain areas are activated during the experience of food and drug craving, and studies in which neural responses to high-calorie food stimuli were investigated found that individuals with BN and BED exhibit higher activation in reward-related brain areas as compared to controls, just like individuals with substance dependence show higher reward-related activity in response to substance-related cues [ 75, 76]. Bloor, D. (1983). Wittgenstein: A social theory of knowledge. Macmillan International Higher Education.

Ziauddeen H, Fletcher PC. Is food addiction a valid and useful concept? Obes Rev. 2013; 14:19–28. [ PMC free article] [ PubMed] [ Google Scholar] In the previous section we have investigated the applicability of our methodology of bringing together conversations on ontology in philosophy and anthropology to explore the themes of ontological gerrymandering and relativism. We now move on to expanding our consideration to another field of philosophical interest, namely social ontology, and thus present productive tensions and opportunities for enrichment between the two disciplines at a larger scale. Ludwig, D., Koskinen, I., Mncube, Z., Poliseli, L., & Reyes-Galindo, L. (2021). Global epistemologies and philosophies of science. Routeldge. By popular demand, Chef Reed is moving the brunch Pimento Cheeseburger to the lunch and dinner menu. For philosophers, the framing of rivers as persons may raise questions about ontological commitments and their justification. If an Indigenous community considers a river a person, does that entail an ontological commitment to rivers as intentional actors? Or is there a different concept of personhood involved that does not require intentionality? For example, does the personhood of a river rely on a notion of kinship that extends to rivers because of a shared history and fate with the community? If such framings are imported from Indigenous practice into modern governance and law, does that also imply the import of Indigenous ontological commitments? Or is it sufficient to treat the personhood of rivers as a formal legal construction in analogy to the legal personhood of corporations? Finally, which of these possible interpretations involves ontological commitments that can be philosophically justified?